Iraq and the need for the left to move on

The Euston Manifesto, officially launched today, proclaims itself as a way forward for “the left” – and is again defended by one of its writers, blogger and Manchester University Professor Norman Geras, over on the Guardian’s website.

Fine – a laudable aim. The British left has needed a way forward ever since the gang of four split the Labour party, a problem only compounded by the fall of the Soviet Union and Tony Blair’s careful guidance of the party towards the centre ground. The British left has to seriously reconsider its approach to the promotion of socialist ideals, and to what parts of the old left-wing obsessions are likely to be acceptable to the electorate in this post-Thatcherite age of rampant capitalism.

Obsessing over the Iraq war achieves none of this. M’colleague Garry has covered one part of the problem, but there’s another, broader one: the Iraq war is an irrelevance to the left’s attempts to revitalise itself after a quarter of a century of what amounts to a repeated defeat of left-wing ideology in successive British elections. It is an irrelevance to what the drafters of the Euston Manifesto profess to be their main aim.

Was Ken Livingstone elected Mayor of London first time around because he’s a socialist? Bollocks – it’s because we all knew it would piss Tony Blair off, and the candidates from the other two main parties were crap. Was George Galloway elected at the last general election because he was a socialist? Likewise bollocks – that was about the Iraq war and the government’s response to terrorism, not his economic beliefs.

This is the real crisis of the British left, not Iraq: the irrelevance of socialism to the modern political system. On the economic front, the right has won, and the left has little chance of a resurgence.

So where to next? Is the launch of a manifesto seemingly based on the Bartlet Doctrine from the fictional West Wing President’s second inaugural address seriously the best the British left can come up with – a wishy-washy, well-meaning but utterly impractical belief in international humanitarian interventionism? What about domestic policy? What about left-wing strategies for helping the poor of THIS country, which used to be what the British left was supposed to be all about?

The Iraq war has happened, whether you agreed with it or not. None of its western instigators are going to face prosecution. So get over it already.

The current insurgency is not thanks to the illegality (or otherwise) of the war. It’s due to the instability that removing a dictator who ruled an articifically-constructed country packed with internal religious and ethnic tensions was bound to produce (even if not necessarily to quite these extremes). If anyone with power had listened to Lawrence of Arabia after the first world war we’d never have been in this mess.

Take away the presence of foreign armies, what is happening in Iraq now is what happened in Yugoslavia after the fall of communism. That was another artificial construct of a country held together through the fear of the state, and fear of the state alone. Once the power of the state was destroyed, in both Iraq and Yugoslavia the suppressed intenal tensions rose to the fore.

Whereas other former Soviet or dictator-run states managed a peaceful transition to post-dictatorship existence (notably Czechoslovakia, peacably dividing itself along cultural lines into the Czech Republic and Slovakia), in many others similar tensions to those of Iraq continue, from Ukraine’s (now apparently failed) Orange Revolution to east Germany’s resentment of the west of the country, the Baltic states’ ongoing difficulties in accepting their Russian minorites as their own to Spain’s post-Franco problems with the Basque seperatists, the partition of India after the British Empire withdrew to the continuing problems endemic in the ex-Soviet central Asian states, mostly held together purely through fear and force by post-communist dictatorships.

The thing that has to be accepted is that Iraq is filled with numerous different cultural identities, split on loosely geographical lines. The most obvious are Sunni, Shi’ite and Kurdish. The logical solution is to divide the country between the three, and create three new states – ignore the oil factor, that can be solved through negotiation or creating a loose alliance between the three along the lines of the devolved United Kingdom. The chaos and bloodshed of the partition of India could, under the supervision of an international force, be avoided – as long as all three groups were able to gain from the partition.

But when it comes to the ongoing arguments in the west – especially in Britain and America – even these incredibly vague generalisations seem continually to be ignored, with the whole debate over the situation in Iraq divided purely into “pro-war” and “anti-war” camps, both of which repeatedly misrepresent the other and assume that only their interpretation of events is correct.

Me? I don’t care for either. I didn’t support the war, nor did I oppose it. I simply realised that I didn’t know enough about an incredibly complex situation to form a viable opinon. I still don’t – largely thanks to having got thoroughly bored of the whole thing before the invasion officially started and having changed the channel whenever Iraq news has come on for at least the last two years – which is why I so rarely discuss the bloody thing.

What I do find incredibly irritating is when people from either side start generalising about people’s attitudes towards the Iraq situation. The Euston Manifesto is a prime case in point, in that it misses the point entirely – despite having been written by a bunch of people who are obviously intelligent and whose obsessions with Iraq means they know far more than I.

The point about the divisions on the left is not that there is a pro- and anti-war split. It is that the left as a whole has somehow lost the overarching socialist ideology which once held it together. Although there are still a few Marxians knocking around – including a few of the contributors to this site – the majority of the people who currently make up the left no longer have any real unifying political ideology.

The Euston Manifesto proclaims itself an attempt to provide a framework for this much-needed new left-wing ideology. But while Eustonite Oliver Kamm‘s ideas of anti-Totalitarianism may – in the broad sense – be laudible, and while the Bartlet Doctrine may sound fine on TV, for any new codification of what it means to be left-wing in Britain in the early 21st century to be successful, it has to tackle issues in Britain, not in distant countries of which we know nothing.

After all, if anyone really cared as much about Iraq as the Eustonites seem to think, there’s surely no way in hell Labour would have been voted back into power a year ago. So why do they feel the need to bother? All they are doing is focussing on a single symptom of the left’s fragmentation, not the disease as a whole.

19 comments
  1. Abdul-Rahim said:

    I have to disagree wholeheartedly with your comparison of Iraq to Yugoslavia or Yugoslavia with any sort of artificially created land of constantly warring people. The last inter-ethnic wars ended in the early 19th century, and though the people of the South Western Balkens had been divided for centuries by the Ottoman, Hungarian Empires and the on-off independent state of Serbia, people of all these ethnicities had been living in peace for centuries.

    For example in Bosnia the notion that Tito forced into line a previously hateful and explosive mix of Croats, Serbs and Bosnian Muslims into a sub-national entity called Bosnia is false. The different ethnci groups had been living in peace for hundereds of years by the time Tito came to power. It is not to say it was a utopic society of loving acceptance ultimate tolerance, but people had been living side by side without major problems. The same for the ALbanians of Kosovo. They were eventually all united into a Southern Slavic, but prior to that point, the fighting had bee n mostly between empirial powers and not between resident ethnic groups.

  2. Phil E said:

    I’d qualify Abdul-Rahim’s argument, but only slightly. There was a longstanding Yugoslavian ethnic problem, but it consisted mainly of the legacy of Serbian nationalism. Redraw the boundaries of Croatia to include all Croats and you’d take a bit of Serbia and half of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Redraw the boundaries of Slovenia to include all Slovenes and hardly anybody would even notice. But redraw the boundaries of Serbia to include all Serbs – and all historic Serb lands, of course – and you’ve got problems, demographically, democratically or both. The first Yugoslavia (between the wars) began as a joint venture between Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and ended as a Serbian kingdom; it’s entirely to Tito’s credit that the same thing didn’t happen to the second Yugoslavia any sooner than it did.

    Sorry, Clive, you were saying. Move on. Socialism. British Left in a bit of a rut and so forth. You may have a point.

  3. Hmmm… I was thinking that I should have cut that little sidetrack and expanded it into another post (I did call them “incredibly vague generalisations” after all). Detracted somewhat from the main point, by the looks of things.

    That’s what comes of writing after a few glasses of wine, I guess…

  4. Jonn said:

    “I didn’t support the war, nor did I oppose it. I simply realised that I didn’t know enough about an incredibly complex situation to form a viable opinon.”

    That’s a good attitude. What worries me is that the same could be said of the US defense department – I have seen no evidence that they knew what they were getting into. Disbanding the army, underestimating the importance of institutions in creating democracy, overestimating the importance of military might and ignoring the hearts and minds stuff – and pushing the state department and others who might have thought this stuff through out of the way.

    My objection to the Iraq war is the same as my objection to ID cards. It’s not that I think these things are done with sinister intentions – it’s that I don’t trust to the competence of a government to do them without making things a whole lot worse.

    Last month’s Prospect had an excellent article on the future of Iraq by the way.

  5. “I didn’t support the war, nor did I oppose it. I simply realised that I didn’t know enough about an incredibly complex situation to form a viable opinon.”

    I don’t think this is a good attitude at all. Whether you understand the internecine complexities or not, we were led into a war of aggression on the basis of a pack of lies.

    I think the term ‘humanitarian intervention’ is a thoroughly insidious euphemism that can be used to justify any act of imperialism. Lest we forget, Hitler told his audience he was ‘liberating’ Czechoslovakia and Poland.

  6. B4L said:

    I think the term ‘humanitarian intervention’ is a thoroughly insidious euphemism that can be used to justify any act of imperialism.

    Are there any words that couldn’t be abused in a similar way? Try it and see. Isn’t it double-standards to use that technique to rubbish just one particular view? And isn’t this also a convenient argument for those who don’t want anything to change, ever? Far too cynical for me.

  7. It is of course compulsory for any thread on Iraq to mention Hitler… but I’m terribly disappointed that this is comment 6 and no one’s had a go at George Galloway yet.

  8. My position is basically that it’s very hard to reconcile all the issues to one cut and dried opinion.

    Was the war illegal? Yes.
    Was Saddam a bastard? Yes.
    Were there weapons of mass distruction and terrorist links to Saddam’s regime? Doesn’t look like it.
    Was Saddam a direct threat to US/UK interests? No more than he had been for the previous decade – arguably less so.
    Had all diplomatic options been exhausted? No.
    Would Saddam’s regime have fallen without the use of force? Unlikely.
    Can you justify removing one dictator by force without removing all of them? No.
    Was Saddam the dictator most in need of removal? No.
    Is having one less dictator in the world a good thing? Yes.
    Has Iraq become more unstable since Saddam was removed? Yes.
    Will the current instability lead to a more peaceful country and region in the long term? Far too early to say.
    Did the coalition have a viable post-Saddam plan? Evidently not.
    Would a withdrawal of coalition forces help stabilise Iraq? Impossible to say, but unlikely.
    Has the Iraq war increased the danger of terrorist attacks in Britain and the US? Quite probably.
    Is fear of reprisals justification enough not to act if action is deemed necessary? No.
    Did the US/UK have enough information to realistically assess the necessity of military action? Apparently not.
    Has the invasion and subsequent occupation had any benefits to Iraq, the wider Middle East, and the world as a whole? Yes.
    Do these benefits outweigh the negatives? Impossible to say at this early stage.
    Do the ends justify the means? We don’t know what the ends are yet.

    The basic problem is that it’s too early for hindsight to have any real impact on assessments of the war, and the reasons for going to war remain unclear and complicated.

    In 1940, prior to the Battle of Britain, with the Nazis in control of the whole of Europe and Britain potentially on the brink of invasion and being bombed daily, getting involved in a war on the continent which we could have got out of may well have seemed like a very bad idea – especially as at that stage the true extent of the Nazis’ crimes was unknown. By the end of 1945, it had become very obvious that it was far and away the right thing to do.

    Ends are very important in making a judgement about wars, and the end in Iraq is not yet in sight. So it’s far too early to have a fixed opinion about the thing.

  9. That George Galloway, eh? What a twat.

  10. Reminds me on the comments supposedly made by Mao on the french revolution really…

    It simply isn’t true to say the left lacks policies for domestic British politics. Respect supporters will argue that their success in local elections recently had as much to do with Housing policies as it did Iraq. Similarly there are lots of campaigns at local level involving left groups – campaigns against hospital closures, road building, PFI projects etc.

    The EM itself is indeed vague about what it wants to do domestically, but as Norm said it is not meant to be a programme for government. Some of those who signed it are still labour party supporters/members, which does give a clue as to what it stands for domestically. As to whether they should be more explicit about what policies they advocate, that is a matter for them.

  11. Phil E said:

    B4L: Are there any words that couldn’t be abused in a similar way? Try it and see.

    Good point. The question is whether the phrase in question has been or is being abused in this way.

    Isn’t it double-standards to use that technique to rubbish just one particular view?

    Good grief. Isn’t this the old ‘you can’t say A if you won’t also say B’ argument? And isn’t it a recipe for complete silence all round, or more realistically for the complete replacement of debate with polemic? (“How can you criticise me for failing to criticise the situation in Khazaria, when you stand convicted by your failure even to mention the oppression of the Mamelukes…”)

    And isn’t this also a convenient argument for those who don’t want anything to change, ever?

    I don’t know, isn’t it? I mean, is it? And isn’t “And isn’t this also” a sentence-opener which can be followed by anything at all while maintaining the surface appearance of logical coherence? And isn’t this also a convenient alibi for the current crop of Muggletonians, Fifth Monarchy Men and assorted predestinarians and chiliasts?

    (You see what I did there…)

  12. Ah, the Muggletonians – I’d forgotten all about them. Basically the 17th century’s Fabians, if I recall correctly (which I probably don’t..)

    Planeshift – Respect is one small section of the left, and itself is a symptom of the wider malaise. I don’t deny that the party has some domestic policies, but again that party gives the impression of being obsessed with Iraq, albeit from the opposite end of opinion to the Eustonites. This in turn drowns out any of its domestic policies, as does the perception that it’s basically the SWP under another name.

    The Parliamentary Labour Party, meanwhile, remains the left’s best hope and main focus, yet under the current leadership has few policies which could be wholeheartedly described as left-wing.

    In fact, so vague are the aims of the left as a whole now that the desire for global revolution seems to have died out in all but a few on the fringes, I’m no longer entirely sure what being “on the left” means any more.

  13. Jonn said:

    Being on the left seems to be more about vague philosophical statements these days – “the many, not the few”; “people not corporations”; “butter not guns” etc.

    There’s nothing wrong with that – if you can translate them into workable policies.

    The problem is, the left – the old, pre-80s, red blooded socialist left – have pretty much lost the argument on economic issues. The right has taken this as validation for unregulated free market capitalism, which it isn’t at all – free markets work best, except in those cases when they don’t (and that’s assuming those who lose out don’t get so pissed off that they revolt in some way, Latin style).

    But the left don’t know how to fight back because they have no coherent economic platform whatsoever. And Hugo Chavez is not it.

    I say again – the world is complex, politicians oversimplify, everyone go read John Kay.

    Rant over.

  14. B4L said:

    Phil E:

    Good point. The question is whether the phrase in question has been or is being abused in this way.

    And if they have in the past? You can say “track record” or you can give people a chance.

    Good grief. Isn’t this the old ‘you can’t say A if you won’t also say B’ argument?

    Certainly not. I’m saying: apply the same cynical/naive filter to each argument raised – to “humanitarian intervention”, to “non-humanitarian intervention”, to “non-intervention”, to “let’s do nothing” and so on.

    And isn’t this also a convenient alibi for the current crop of…

    I think my observation was fair enough: the view expressed was a conservative one, but I didn’t say that any old change was better than nothing.

    ==

    Jonn:

    The problem is, the left – the old, pre-80s, red blooded socialist left – have pretty much lost the argument on economic issues. The right has taken this as validation for unregulated free market capitalism

    Those left-right terms again. Plenty within what currently calls itself the liberal left want to reclaim the term ‘markets’ from those interchangeably called the right/neoliberals: encouraging markets, tackling failures, and supported by a broadly familiar welfare framework.

  15. Jonn said:

    B4L:
    “Those left-right terms again. Plenty within what currently calls itself the liberal left want to reclaim the term ‘markets’ from those interchangeably called the right/neoliberals: encouraging markets, tackling failures, and supported by a broadly familiar welfare framework.”

    I agree with you – I just think a lot of the more visible parts of the British left either

    a) don’t (the unions, the SWP etc); or
    b) don’t care (all those who obsess with Iraq instead)

    I think the more economically liberal elements need to make themselves a bit more visible sometimes. And stop inviting Hugo Chavez round for tea.

    (A good counterpoint to all this, incidentally, is Jacques Chirac, who simultaneously manages to be both right-wing and anti-market, and consequently is loathed by everyone and their dog.)

  16. Andrew said:

    It’s interesting to note the difference between the left in the UK and the Democratic party in America. The Democrats are motivated, excited, and have a true abundance of real-world issues that they can call their own.

    This is primary because the Republicans are such right-wing idiots that they’ve defined environmental policy, decent health care, workers rights, even sensible foreign policy as “left wing” concerns.

    I agree totally with Mr. Monkey. From an American perspective the Euston manifesto is, um, … boring? Come on, guys, let’s get some practical, different ideas going here.

    For an idea of what practical political blogging can look like – I recommend surfing regularly to dailykos.com…

  17. Chris B said:

    a) Can you justify removing one dictator by force without removing all of them? No.

    b) Good grief. Isn’t this the old ‘you can’t say A if you won’t also say B’ argument?

    I realise different people said them, but a = b* in this case, shirley?

    * where = means ‘a similar version of the same’

  18. The Democrats are motivated, excited, and have a true abundance of real-world issues that they can call their own.

    This is primary because the Republicans are such right-wing idiots that they’ve defined environmental policy, decent health care, workers rights, even sensible foreign policy as “left wing” concerns.

    Yet they cannot seem to drum up a decent presidential candidate between them, let alone win an election. In fact, most criticisms of the Democrats is exactly the opposite to what you say: that they do not have any concrete policies on which to base their campaign platform.

    The Republicans, regardless of what you think of their policies, have them in spades.